Brian Behnken

Gerald Horne’s Black and Red: W.E.B. Du Bois and the Afro-American Response to the Cold War, 1944-1963 is an impressive work that chronicles the latter years of the legendary black leader's life. Horne focuses on several major areas revolving around US foreign policy and the Red Scare including African American involvement in socialist movements, anticolonialism, labor unions, and the Cold War in general. Horne uses Du Bois as a central feature to describe black involvement in these different aspects of 1940s and 1950s America. He quickly points out in the text that this study is a seminal work and much of what he seeks to do revolves around discrediting previous scholarship that saw Du Bois as a largely innocuous figure in later life. The scope of the work is grand and Horne uses exhaustive research techniques to delve into every scrap of evidence left behind by Du Bois.

Horne remarks early on that African Americans were militant and anticolonial/antiimperialistic throughout their history. Du Bois was the epitome of this thought. Horne proves conclusively that black communists were supported by black newspapers, as well as white publications, and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). He also proves that African Americans were more likely to be adherents to socialist/communist parties for the simple reason that these parties desired black votes and black participation. In the wake of constant rejection by the Republican and Democrats, it is no wonder blacks looked favorably upon leftist political parties. The author is careful to show that in the early 1940s the NAACP was an organization that catered to black communists in many ways. Du Bois had been an advocate of socialism/communism during his earlier employment with the NAACP (he left the association in 1935). In fact, the author traces his radicalism back to 1890 when Du Bois first visited eastern European countries. However, when Du Bois returned to work with the NAACP in 1944 he found the association significantly changed. As the Cold War hardened and the Red Scare set in, the NAACP began to change slowly into an organization that was anticommunist. Du Bois increasingly found himself out of step with the organization due to its increasing rejection of socialist values.

Nevertheless, Du Bois enjoyed some grand triumphs with the NAACP in regards to his socialist ideas. He was able to foster a fifth Pan African Congress that focused on bringing an end to colonialism in Africa and the spreading of socialist governments in the newly created African countries. He was also able to write in the NAACP journal Crisis regarding his views of socialism. Close to 1948 the NAACP board moved significantly away from the left, even going as far as to redbait and purge some of its members. Survival seems to have been the order of business at the NAACP, but Horne makes it clear that Du Bois cared little for the associations anticommunist stance. In fact, he ardently referred to himself as an anti-anticommunist. Du Bois’ views soon got him into trouble. When in 1948 he petitioned the UN to take a stance against US foreign policy and imperialism, and when he openly supported Progressive Party candidate Henry Wallace, Du Bois was forced from the NAACP.

This in no way stopped Du Bois’ activities. Through his work with the NAACP Du Bois had aligned himself with the CIO and other labor unions and was a true friend to the labor movement. When these labor organizations were redbaited Du Bois remained a loyal servant of labor. While Horne admits that labor unions dealt with significant hardships at this time, he differs from the work of Philip Jenkins in The Cold War at Home. Jenkins makes it clear that even leftist unions like the United Electrical Workers (UE) eventually adopted anticommunist stances and forced communist members from their ranks.(p.114) Horne concludes, albeit examining more black-oriented labor unions, that African American support of unions hardly faltered during this time, part in thanks to Du Bois.

Shortly after he left the NAACP, Du Bois began working with the Council on African Affairs (CAA) to help promote his anticolonialism stance. Through the CAA Du Bois again petitioned the UN to begin a study on the effects of colonialism in Africa as well as the effects of racism in the US. He also began to actively protest US involvement in Korea and encouraged blacks not to fight in the war. His comments reflected back to his views from World War I. He felt that blacks should not be fighting in a war for supposed democracy when they had no democracy at home. These sentiments led the black presses as well as the NAACP (even though he was no longer in their employ) to further label Du Bois a red. Du Bois was also openly investigated by the FBI, CIA, and called before HUAC.

In 1950 Du Bois helped to organize the Provisional Committee of Americans for World Peace, which was later renamed the Peace Information Center (PIC). This organization continued many of Du Bois’ goals of ending colonialism and bringing about world peace. In 1951 he ran for the US senate seat from New York as a Progressive (read communist) candidate. These activities did not escape the gaze of anticommunist forces in the US government. Due to his antiwar sentiments and his affiliation with the Progressive Party, Du Bois was formally indicted for refusing to register as a foreign agent. This trial showed the broad ranging nature of Du Bois’ popularity. For years he had traveled in this country and abroad giving speeches and interviews. Support poured in for the aging leader and his legal defense consisted of the very best lawyers. Somewhat surprisingly considering the political climate of the time, Du Bois was acquitted of all charges. Nevertheless the CIA, FBI, and HUAC would continue to hound him until the day he died.

Horne makes the striking point in Chapter 16 that African Americans were at the very heart of the movement that ended the Red Scare and HUAC. Du Bois was most certainly a ringleader of these efforts. After his trial Du Bois’ efforts not only revolved around antiwar and anticolonial stances, but he began to further promote the disbanding of HUAC and all government organizations like it. He joined the Ad Hoc Committee to Eliminate HUAC to try to put the organization out of business. Surely this was un-american activity, and HUAC made sure to repeatedly call Du Bois to appear before the committee. Also, Du Bois began to find his mail tampered with and often not sent out at all. He also frequently had to deal with the rejection and seizure of his passport. These actions began as minor inconveniences. When Du Bois wished to travel to Ghana or England he would have his passport detained for several weeks causing him to miss important meeting and functions. Later, the US government became unequivocal in its dealings with Du Bois. In 1955 when he attempted to travel to Poland for the World Federation of Democratic Youth he was refused a passport to this congress specifically because "it is alleged that you are a Communist and as the Congress you wish to attend is Communist inspired."(p.214)

The pressure on Du Bois' travels lifted somewhat in 1958 and he made good use of it. Under the auspices of travelling to non-communist nations Du Bois made trips in 1959 to the USSR where he met personally with Khruschchev, to China where he met with Mao Zedong, and to Ghana where he met with longtime friend Kwame Nkrumah. All throughout this time Du Bois was trailed by FBI and CIA agents and warned that he had no authority to visit these socialist nations. Du Bois apt response was often that he was a ninety-one year old man and he could do what he wanted. African Americans were quick to back him in whatever venture he embarked upon. His trips to socialist nations were primetime news in the black presses. His travels seemed to have an inspiring affect to African Americans, and Horne comments that this was part of the reason why he remained popular both in the US and abroad.

Horne addresses previous scholarship again when he examines Du Bois and the civil rights movement. Horne believes that earlier scholars ignored the overall impact Du Bois had on the civil rights movement. Throughout his career Du Bois encouraged blacks to exercise their rights. His socialist views found a home in the civil rights movement. Organizations like the Southern Conference Education Fund and the Highlander Folk School used Du Bois’ socialist beliefs in their instruction of civil rights activists. Du Bois again promoted labor and unionism as a way for blacks to gain their civil liberties and help end racism. He petitioned John F. Kennedy to end desegregation, give aide to blacks, and appoint blacks to government office. Du Bois was an old man in the early 1960s and his effect on the civil rights movement was cut short by his failing health. However, in 1961 Du Bois found culmination in his years of radicalism by joining the Communist Party. He made a final statement to the US and African Americans by moving to the socialist republic of Ghana and living out his remaining days in this country. The day of A. Philip Randolph’s March on Washington Du Bois died at the age of nienty-five.

Black and Red, as Horne intended, marks a contrast in the scholarship of Du Bois. The author adequately proves Du Bois’ radicalism throughout his life, something disputed by previous scholarship. The book is an excellent read and besides the overbearing language (Horne writes in an incredibly flamboyant manner) and the numerous typographical errors in the book (I counted over thirty) the book stands in clear contrast to what had been the prevailing thought on Du Bois’ life. This book, simply put, is groundbreaking.