José Angel Hernández

HIST: 6393; "Empire, War and Revolution"

April 18, 2000

F. Arturo Rosales. ¡Pobre Raza!: Violence, Justice, and Mobilization among México Lindo Immigrants, 1900-1936. (Austin: The University of Texas Press, 1999), Pp. 281 + Notes, Bibliography, List of Archival Sources & Index.

Throughout this semester, topics surrounding diplomatic history and US Foreign Relations have been at the center of our discussions. Whether we are talking about geo-politics or the role of US capitalism in the "Third World," it is easy to forget how events such as WWI, The Mexican Revolution, and immigration, affect not only local populations, but more importantly, how these events engender a variety of responses that, at times, appear to have little relation to the "larger" events at hand. In this particular monograph on violence, justice, and mobilization, recently arrived Mexican immigrants create and recreate responses to crime, racism, injustice, and labor exploitation through a variety of social and political avenues.

Rosales's book, entitled ¡Pobre Raza!, popularly translates into poor Mexican people/folks. Although some may argue that the term "raza" literally translates into "race," in this particular context, the term--used casually amongst Chicanos--refers basically to Mexican people. Moreover, the term pobre raza is used in the context of an article written in 1918 referring to the influx of recent Mexican immigrants: "Judging by their garb, they were simply poor peasants, very unlikely to give the police a hard time. They came here to work. Why were they shot? ¡Pobre Raza!"

Starting from the turn of the century, the author argues that the oppressive dictatorship of Porfirio Díaz forced the most impoverished sectors of Mexican society to seek economic and political refuge in North America. To a large extent this is true; however, one must also consider other factors that contribute to immigration, migration, and emigration...issues that the author does not address in his book. Having stated that, Rosales is correct in pointing out that early immigration to the United States is a result of Mexicans looking for better economic and social opportunities not available to them in Porfirian Mexico. Also, Mexican peonage, exacerbated by survey companies, land companies, and land-grabbing hacendados, added to this early northward migration.

But as Rosales points out, as do other authors now doing research on the Mexican Consulate, Mexican immigrants returning to Mexico benefit from avenues unavailable in the United States. In other words, unlike other immigrant groups that did not have this additional "safety-valve" to tap, Mexicans in the United States were able to file grievances with their local consul. This, in my estimation, adds to our knowledge regarding the importance of the border and the many social and political issues that can be attributed to its accessibility.

Unlike most immigrants to the United States, the option of "returning" to their homeland was not a thought that many entertained. Once in the United States, most immigrants sought ways to combat prejudice while simultaneously searching for opportunities to move into the political and economic system of their adopted country. Although some Mexican immigrants entertained many of the ideas that I've just mentioned, I would suggest that the close distance of the border provided some immigrants with a "psychological safety valve" that was unavailable to the other immigrant groups. Finally, unlike other immigrants who lamented the "motherland" and expressed a nationalist nostalgia so often described in oral histories, Mexicans enjoyed a perpetual influx of immigration that enriched and reinvigorated the Mexican American communities in the United States--a process that continues to this day.

Chicano historiography evolves in a unique fashion that is unlike the historiography of other fields in history. Although the field continues to expand in a variety of ways, only recently have Chicano historians discovered the wealth of information awaiting scholars across the southern border, especially material regarding Mexicans in the United States. Chicano scholars, moreover, are only now beginning to incorporate and associate the events in Mexico with the political occurrences in southwest with those of Mexico, especially the role of Mexican diplomats (consuls) in the US and their defense of immigrant rights. This is not to say that Chicano scholars never took into account the Mexican side of the equation; however, it seems that Chicano History appears to be making a transition from a regional history of Mexican Americans in the United States to a transnational history that incorporates North American and Mexican histories alike. Rosales's monograph, in this circumstance, makes a significant contribution to this sort of historiography by observing Mexican immigration during its earliest phases and taking into account the events taking place in Mexico with the historical events taking place in the United States.

In the context of World War I, the Mexican Revolution, Immigration History, and the affects of these developments on the North American population, Rosales's monograph on Mexican Immigrants provides the reader with a necessary regional perspective as well. This is to say that the author illustrates the effects of these (and other) events on the Euro-American population from 1900-1936 and attempts to explain how issues of race, class, ethnicity, loyalty, and "whiteness," played themselves out during this tumultuous period.

What makes things more difficult for these early immigrants were factors beyond their control: historical animosity between Anglos and Mexicans; historical racism against Mexicans; and Anglo resentment toward the Mexican Revolution and all of the border troubles resulting from said revolution. In this context, Rosales is able to provide an outline into the historical disputes between Anglos and Mexicans beginning with the "Texas revolt" in 1835.

"Large-scale immigration from Mexico," beginning in the 1890s, continues "unabated into the present." The largest wave of immigrants, though, takes place following the Mexican Revolution of 1910 and continues throughout the rest of the century, often depending on the economic situation of the United States. In the southwest, however, North American resentment over Mexican immigration is expressed in a number of ways that are telling of recent legislation against Mexican immigration.

Much like the Gentleman's Agreement (aimed at Japanese immigrants) and the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 (aimed at Chinese immigrants), Proposition 187 is aimed directly at Mexican immigrants under the guise of social welfare programs. What is usually not mentioned in the historiography, however, are the numerous other incidents that induce, directly and indirectly, aggression on Mexican Americans, especially recent Mexican immigrants. The Mexican Revolution, US Prohibition, WWI, and the Great Depression are some of the cases in question. For Rosales, though, the Mexican Revolution and, the influx of hundreds of thousands of Mexicans, creates a reaction from North Americans embittered by the presence of so many brown faces.

Initially upset over Mexicans waging war against Díaz in the 19th century, North Americans are once again angry over the recent waves of Mexican immigrants and the "rise in crime" associated with their presence. North Americans, oblivious to the pre-existing crime rates, blame Mexican Americans and other ethnic "minorities" with the "new crime wave." Violence against Mexicans by various sectors of US society, including the police, the justice system, White civilians, and other ethnic groups, generates a Mexican nationalism that in turns gives rise to a fervent anti-Americanism--a sentiment that trickles down and across the border.

The War Prohibition Act of 1918 made smuggling liquor across the border a profitable enterprise for Mexicans while concurrently creating an additional avenue for violence against Mexican immigrants. Mexicans sought to fill this demand for a "nation of drunkards" (to use W.J. Rorabaughs phrase) only to be blamed for the continuing demise of North American morality. As one might imagine, similar situations take place today with Latin American countries enduring the humiliation of being labeled drug-infested societies while recently arrived immigrants suffer the effects of racial profiling and bogus "drug raids" at the hands of racist police departments.

The Great Depression of 1929 affected every facet of North American life as well as the world economy. Latin American countries suffered many casualties. US corporations sought to ameliorate their downward financial spirals in Latin America by capitalizing on the cheap labor pool and relaxed government regulations. As with any economic depression, ethnic minorities and immigrants are perceived as scapegoats and considered suspect. Immigration during this period dwindled to around 25,000 as Mexicans sought other strategies for survival. At the same time, though, over half a million Mexicans, many of them US citizens, were "repatriated" to Mexico following the depression of 1929. Sensing the dwindling economy, however, as many as 200,000 Mexican families "returned" to Mexico before the repatriation drives began--some of which took place in cattle stockyards and corrals.

In summary, Rosales's monograph provides the reader with a "face" of history. Often times we forget that history is not made solely of abstract forces and market economies, but involves the daily struggles and aspirations of all peoples. Although structural forces engage society and shape the daily lives of people, we must remember that the oppressed peoples of the world are not passive agents in this historical process. Indeed, they do have a say in what takes place and they collectively shape the historical record that continues to fascinate students and teachers alike. Finally, the author does illustrate how world events and laws shape and recreate the interactions between various levels of society and how those perceptions become bastardized in the process of serving a variety of functions...in this case, they create violence, injustice, and mobilization among Mexican immigrants.