Review of Many Are the Crimes: McCarthyism in America by Ellen Schrecker (1998)

 In Many Are the Crimes, Ellen Schrecker traces the beginnings of McCarthysim from the  1930s through the early 1960s.  She points out that the anti-communism network that Joseph McCarthy used for his own purposes was established long before McCarthy himself came to power.   Schrecker sets up her book to first look at the anti-communism network that was established in the late 1930s and early 1940s right before and during World War II.  She then focuses on how Communists were portrayed in society before going into how the anti-communist network operated.  She then devotes an entire chapter to the case of Clinton Jencks, a Communist labor leader in the Southwest, to show how the different arms of the anti-communist network interrelated.  Finally, Schrecker takes a look at the legacy left by McCarthyism.  In arranging the book this way, Schrecker covers a broad history of anti-communism in America.

 Schrecker first gives a brief overview of the American Communist Party (CP).  Her main description of the CP is that it "was a highly disciplined, undemocratic outfit that tried to apply Soviet prescriptions to American ills.  On the other hand, it was also a genuinely forward looking organization that stimulated many of the most dynamic political and social movements of the 1930s and 1940s.  And it often was both at once." (p.5)   The CP was secretive, demanding of its members, talented at organizing people and "totally committed to defending the Soviet Union."(p.20)   These attributes became its  weaknesses.  Its secretiveness caused suspicion and gave anti-communists something to use against the CP when they went after it.  The members of the CP were dedicated and spent most of their time devoted to its causes, even at the expense of family.  Since members worked so hard, they often saw results from their efforts.  One area that the CP was strongest in was organizing labor unions.    The CP organized the steel, electrical and auto industries.  It encouraged unions to hire blacks and supported racial equality.   This became a weakness, for when anti-union employers attacked a union they could hide behind the issue of the union being run by Communists in order to destroy the union.
 During World War II, the CP joined many liberals and New Dealers to form the Popular Front.  It was during this time that the CP gained many new members.  The attitude towards the CP changed when Stalin signed a non-aggression pact with Hitler.  The CP followed orders from Moscow and changed their views on the war, becoming anti-war.  Then when Russia was invaded and became an ally of the U.S., the CP switched its stance once again and became pro-Roosevelt and wholeheartedly supported the war effort.  By this time though the damage had been done.  The CP lost not only members, but any trust it once had from liberals.

 Schrecker postulates that the Red Scare would have happened in 1940 had it not been for the outbreak of World War II, for the anti-communist network was already in place and ready to go.  In the 1870s local officials used the monitoring of "subversives" to fight the labor unions being established.   Political repression of dissidents was further established in 1919 with the Palmer Raids.   By the 1930s the network of anti-communists was growing and becoming diverse.  It included patriotic organizations, such as the American Legion, the press, such as Hearst publications, Catholics, New Deal liberals, who were upset about the Stalin-Hitler pact, and even the ACLU.    Schrecker points out that "it was the very diversity of the anticommunist network that made it so powerful.  The political repression that occurred during the McCarthy era was a collective enterprise.  Each of its components reinforced the others." (p. 85)

 In the 1940s the federal government joined in the anti-communist campaign making it an issue of national security, thereby giving legitimacy to the movement.   President Roosevelt authorized J. Edgar Hoover to secretly spy on the CP.   Hoover used the excuse of "national security" to expand his power.   FDR allowed the repression of the CP due to his fear that they would strike in the defense industry, thereby crippling the war effort.  Any strikes deemed Communist led were put down by the government.   Once the Soviet Union entered the war as an ally, FDR eased up somewhat on the repression.
 By 1946 Communism was demonized and seen as a threat to national security, not just a nuisance to be tolerated.  Anti-communists who perpetrated the stereotypes of a CP member aroused public opinion against the CP.  The stereotypes were that members were puppets of Moscow, under Stalin's control, violent, they wanted to take over the world, were mentally defective, intelligent, liars and once a member joined they could not leave.  Schrecker points out that the last stereotype seemed contradictory, since the anti-communists used many former "reformed" CP members as experts and witnesses in many trials and hearings.  Women of the CP were seen as dangerous and cunning, using their sexuality to lure innocent victims.  At the same time, the anti-communist investigative committees often took a dismissive view of women. Although some women were charged with contempt, the committees "operated on the assumption that these women knew little about politics and cared only about their homes and families." (p. 148).  This view seems to fit in perfectly with the general view of American women during the 1950s as presented in Homeward Bound.

 The perception of the Communist threat allowed for the repression of the American CP, since it was seen as an agent of the Soviet government.  The FBI emphasized the threat of espionage by the CP and pointed to the Rosenbergs as examples.  Schrecker gives a few examples of people who had spied for Russia, but points out that most of the spying occurred while Russia was an ally, therefore, the spies did not see it as hurting the United States.   Both the government and private industry seemed to see the Communist threat everywhere.  Companies used the participation of Communists in labor unions to squash the unions.    The government used the threat to pass repressive legislation like the Smith Act and the McCarran Act.
 The main instrument of the government in combating the CP was the FBI.  Hoover was a rabid anti-communist who used his agency to spy on the CP and aid in the political repression.  The FBI used many illegal activities to gain information on the CP, such as "black bag" jobs on the CP offices and illegal wiretaps on CP members.  Hoover established the secret and unauthorized COINTELPRO to harass the CP.  The FBI smeared and harassed any critics in order to cover up its own illegal activities.  Most FBI files only contained innuendo and gossip, but Hoover would leak the information to HUAC or prosecutors and claim it came from "reliable" sources.  Defendants were not allowed to see the files, so they could not rebut the charges made against them.  The tactics used by the FBI caused thousands to lose their jobs or become blacklisted.

 A lot of blacklisting occurred in the entertainment industry.  Hollywood instituted it after the HUAC hearings involving some directors and screen writers known as the Hollywood Ten in the late 1940s.  The movies made during the McCarthy era also reflected the political repression.  Studios no longer allowed any "social problem" movies to be made and the working class was never reflected.  Big business was not allowed to be portrayed in a bad light, instead the businessman was the hero.  Television, just starting out during this time, also followed the anti-communist line by not allowing anything controversial to be aired.  All news reports were strictly what the government reported, nothing extra.  This type of control of the media by big business and government can still be seen today, as reflected in the argument made by Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky in Manufacturing Consent.

 Schrecker devotes a chapter to Joseph McCarthy and the publicity he brought to the anti-communist cause.  She points out that McCarthy was aided by top anti-communists like W. Randolph Hearst and J. Edgar Hoover.  He was also aided by being allowed to go on unrestricted by his fellow senators.  McCarthy made people controversial, thereby ruining their lives.    Schrecker points out that "most of the men and women who were called before the committees or lost their jobs during the McCarthy era had once been in or near the Communist party.  They had gotten into trouble because of their political affiliations and because most Americans then assumed that Communism was so dreadful . . . that anyone connected with it had to be guilty of something bad." (p. 4) It was when McCarthy attacked the Army that he finally fell from grace.  When the Army-McCarthy hearings were televised the public could see McCarthy for the blustering fake that he was.

 Schrecker ends her book by pointing out the legacy left by McCarthyism.  The greatest legacy was that of fear.  The victims of the era experienced harassment, jail, loss of economic well being and sometimes death.  Most importantly to Schrecker, McCarthysim destroyed the left.  With the destruction of the left came the loss of what could have been in the areas of labor unions, civil rights and various social reforms.  She believes "the overall legacy of the liberals' failure to stand up against the anti-communist crusade was to let the nation's political culture veer to the right. . . . the disappearance of the communist movement weakened American liberalism." (p. 412)    Schrecker further posits that McCarthyism showed "how effectively political repression could operate within a democratic society." (p. 413) The illegality of countersubversion left a bad legacy, for it condoned the illegitimate use of power by the State against its "enemies."  Schrecker believes Richard Nixon is a good example of the illegitimate use of power.    Finally the author believes "it may well be that the sleaziness McCarthyism introduced to American politics constitutes its main legacy." (p. 415)

 Overall, this book is a well researched, interesting look at McCarthyism.  There is no way the author could possibly delve into every aspect of the anti-communist era, instead she does a good job of presenting a general overview of the times, issues and events that occurred.  She usually portrays a balanced look at the subject, but sometimes she lets her own sympathies for the left and regret for the lost opportunities show; however, this seems to be her only flaw.  This reviewer would highly recommend this book to anyone interested in McCarthyism and the legacy it left behind.